Sénégal’s citizen power: roots, crises and rebuilding democracy

The 2024 Senegalese elections marked a turning point in the nation’s political history. Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s decisive first-round victory, following mass civic mobilizations and legal interventions, was widely interpreted as the triumph of citizen power in West Africa. Yet two years into his mandate, the real test lies in whether this momentum can be channeled into sustainable democratic institutions.

Critics warn that without meaningful institutional bridges, the risk of democratic exhaustion looms large. A key symptom of this concern is the abandonment of direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court — a mechanism originally proposed in the 2024 Diomaye President coalition program and echoed in national dialogues. The absence of this provision closes off a vital pathway for citizens to challenge constitutional violations directly, reinforcing a top-down model of democracy that leaves the public without legal recourse.

rebuilding citizen agency: between tradition and institutional reform

To understand the present moment, we must trace the roots of citizen power in Senegal. This involves engaging with three interwoven traditions:

• Modern democratic institutions: From the 2001 Constitution to the 2024 and 2025 national dialogues, Senegal has sought to modernize its governance structures. Yet procedural reforms often outpace social transformation.
• West African customary governance: Institutions such as the penc (village assemblies), rooted in deliberative traditions, offer models of inclusive dialogue and consensus-building that predate colonial rule.
• Wolof civic virtues: Concepts like jom (honor and courage), kersa (patience and restraint), ngor (integrity), and teranga (hospitality and generosity) provide an ethical foundation for democratic participation and accountability.

These traditions are not mere relics; they are living frameworks that have shaped Senegalese social and political life for centuries. Their neglect in contemporary governance risks leaving democratic institutions hollow — rich in form but poor in substance.

the crisis of trust and the rise of counter-democracy

The erosion of public trust in institutions has given rise to what political theorist Pierre Rosanvallon calls counter-democracy — the exercise of vigilance and resistance outside formal channels. In Senegal, this has taken the form of mass protests, judicial activism, and digital mobilization, particularly in response to political repression and electoral manipulation.

Yet counter-democracy is a double-edged sword. While it empowers citizens to hold power to account, unchecked defiance can devolve into populism, eroding trust in institutions entirely. Philosopher Cynthia Fleury warns of the dangers of resentment — a corrosive force that festers when dignity is denied and justice delayed. In Senegal, youth unemployment, elite corruption, and perceived foreign interference fuel a deep-seated bitterness that threatens to undermine both civic engagement and political legitimacy.

To prevent this, Senegal must cultivate what Fleury terms individuation — the capacity of citizens to act as autonomous moral agents capable of making responsible choices. This requires more than legal rights; it demands an ethical and cultural renewal rooted in shared values.

toward a refounded citizen power: seven key reforms

A sustainable democracy cannot rely on elections alone. It must be built on institutions that are both responsive and accountable — and on citizens who are both empowered and ethically grounded. Based on the constitutional dialogues of 2024 and 2025, we propose seven reforms to refound citizen power in Senegal:

1. Direct constitutional access: Allow citizens to submit constitutional complaints directly to the Constitutional Court, provided they have exhausted ordinary remedies. This would institutionalize the role of the “people as judges” and give voice to those whose rights are violated.
2. Recognize traditional deliberative spaces: Legally recognize the penc and other customary assemblies as mandatory consultation forums for local decisions. This would bridge formal governance with grassroots participation.
3. Revive civic education: Integrate the ethics of Wolof virtues (jom, kersa, ngor, teranga) into school curricula, alongside modern civic education. This would nurture a culture of responsibility and integrity from an early age.
4. Strengthen independent oversight bodies: Ensure the independence of institutions like the Court of Auditors, the National Office for the Fight Against Fraud and Corruption (OFNAC), and the State General Inspectorate. Allow citizens to file complaints and monitor their follow-up.
5. Formalize national dialogues: Adopt a public charter for national dialogues to ensure transparency, inclusivity, and accountability. Require authorities to justify publicly any deviation from citizen recommendations.
6. Promote democratic care: Address the emotional and symbolic dimensions of citizenship by recognizing victims of political violence, supporting women’s participation, and fostering national reconciliation through mechanisms inspired by jubbanti (Wolof reconciliation).
7. Empower local democracy: Implement participatory budgets and citizen audits in municipalities. This would transform citizens from passive recipients into active co-managers of public affairs.

learning from Africa and beyond

Senegal is not alone in this challenge. South Africa’s post-apartheid Constitution allows direct citizen petitions to the Constitutional Court. Tunisia’s 2014 Constitution, born of an inclusive process, was later undermined by authoritarian reversal. The Bénin’s 1990 National Conference inspired many transitions but saw democratic erosion in later years. France’s Citizens’ Convention for Climate showed the power of deliberative democracy but struggled to see its proposals enacted.

Each case offers lessons for Senegal: democratic renewal requires both strong institutions and vibrant civic cultures. It cannot be decreed; it must be cultivated through practice, trust, and shared commitment.

conclusion: the citizen as architect of democracy

The power of citizens in Senegal is not a static ideal but a living practice. It is shaped by the penc under the baobab tree, by the courage of those who speak truth to power, by the patience of those who wait for justice, and by the integrity of those who keep their word. It is also forged in the halls of the Constitutional Court, in the transparency of public accounts, and in the responsiveness of local governments.

The 2024 elections were a milestone, but the journey toward a robust democracy has only just begun. The question now is not whether Senegal can build institutions — but whether it can build citizens who are equal to them. The answer lies in the balance between modern law and customary wisdom, between vigilance and responsibility, between protest and participation.

In this fragile equilibrium, the future of Senegal’s democracy will be written — not by leaders alone, but by every citizen who chooses to act with jom, to deliberate with kersa, and to govern with ngor.