Senegal’s evolving political landscape: the dynamic between president diomaye faye and prime minister sonko

The political arena in Senegal frequently witnesses intense struggles for influence, whether among members of the same party or between figures from distinct political factions. As the British diplomat Lord Palmerston famously asserted in 1848:

In politics, there are no permanent enemies and no permanent friends, only permanent interests.

The recent developments at the highest echelons of Senegal’s executive branch strikingly exemplify this enduring maxim.

The once unified Sonko-Diomaye partnership, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who initially appeared to share a common vision, has recently been plagued by significant internal discord. These growing differences culminated on May 22 with the President’s announcement of the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the subsequent dissolution of the entire government.

While the political rally on November 8, 2025, offered early indications of these emerging fraternal disagreements, an interview on May 2, 2026, dispelled any remaining ambiguity. The President himself acknowledged disagreements with his Prime Minister, specifically criticizing the “excessive personalization” of power that had begun to center around Sonko.

The rise of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), the current ruling party, has significantly reshaped Senegal’s political system. This period, spanning 2021 to 2024, was marked by considerable political instability and saw profound socio-political realignments. PASTEF, an anti-establishment party, successfully challenged and disrupted the traditional socio-political order long established in Senegal.

The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital: a two-headed challenge

This unprecedented political alliance was forged when Ousmane Sonko, following the invalidation of his own candidacy, chose Diomaye Faye to represent their movement. Initially conceived as a complementary political force, one leader focused on managing the state apparatus while the other provided strong political legitimacy during their initial months in power.

However, the major PASTEF political gathering on November 8, 2025, exposed the limitations of this two-headed illusion, largely sustained by Sonko. “The aftermath of November 8,” as Sonko himself declared, became a critical turning point for the future institutional partnership between him and the President. The relationship between the two leaders now appears to be at an impasse, marked by disagreements over the selection of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, differing visions of power, and disputes regarding their choice of allies.

Consequently, the once unifying slogan, “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), which served as PASTEF’s survival strategy against the former regime of President Macky Sall, has begun to fade. It is being replaced by new assertions like “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko.” Journalist Sidy Diop’s analysis corroborates this shift, demonstrating that “the proclaimed unity has ended. It gives way to a now visible, almost acknowledged duality, where roles are being redefined and ambitions are affirmed.”

The prevailing sentiment is now “Diomaye n’est plus Sonko. Sonko n’est plus Diomaye.” Yet, from the perspective of symbolic domination and reproduction theory, which allowed Sonko to generate “capital by proxy,” their symbolic fusion had previously created a “unique partisan habitus.” This meant that the homopastefien and supporters of “the Project” perceived not two distinct representatives, but a single, indivisible political force.

This duality at the summit represents the natural culmination of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the executive political sphere. The inherently presidential nature of Senegal’s political system mandates a clear distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of both the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister are meticulously outlined in the Constitution, specifically articles 42 to 52, thereby transforming their initial fusion into a “gentle rivalry.”

President Diomaye Faye often adopts a reserved posture, presenting himself as the guarantor of institutions, while Ousmane Sonko maintains his characteristic style of popular mobilization and advocating for radical change. This dynamic aligns with what French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu describes as the “position occupying the man,” where the institutional role dictates an individual’s actions, language, and demeanor, rather than the reverse. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently contrasts with the “party leader” habitus of the Prime Minister. In adherence to an ethical separation between the roles of Head of State and party leader, Diomaye Faye resigned from his position as Secretary-General and from all leadership bodies within the PASTEF party.

Furthermore, an invisible yet significant boundary exists between the President of the Republic and his Prime Minister. It lies in the transition from street-level communication, where “Diomaye is Sonko” resonated, to institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. While Sonko was instrumental in bringing Diomaye to power, President Faye now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, which has inadvertently created a new political bipolarity between those loyal to Diomaye and those aligned with Sonko.

The inherent limits of duality in Senegal’s political dynamic

In the realm of physics, fluid mechanics teaches that when two bodies of different masses share a confined space, the one with greater mass will compress the other. Applying this principle to President Diomaye Faye and Ousmane Sonko illustrates that power, unlike human nature, is not static. This is a critical aspect of the current Senegal political dynamic.

Through an upward flow of influence, derived from his charisma and control over the party, Ousmane Sonko injects popular legitimacy into Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s presidency. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, President Bassirou Diomaye, via his decrees and state decisions, actualizes the aspirations of “the Project” by embedding them into Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko becomes too prominent, his influence risks encroaching upon Diomaye’s institutional territory.

Should this occur, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye becomes too isolated, he risks losing the vital source of legitimacy that Sonko represents. They exist within a system of mutual dependence, yet also one of potential self-destruction. Power continuously oscillates between the presidential office and the Prime Minister’s residence, a constant flux that sustains this “gentle rivalry.”

By mirroring each other’s desires, they risk becoming antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble one another, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees their own ambition reflected in the other. Both political actors covet the same objectives: power, the presidency, and leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power, while Diomaye seeks to solidify his position as President.

The unfolding events at the pinnacle of power serve as a potent reminder that in African politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” often proves to be merely a myth for idealists. It is the perennial resurgence of the “number two syndrome.” The presumptive successor, initially loyal and capable, climbs through the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter commands all the attention.

Meanwhile, the hegemonic figure, driven by the logic of securing future electoral victories, can transform a loyal ally into an adversary due to burgeoning distrust. This dynamic fosters a reciprocal paranoia that foreshadows a period of social and political turbulence across the nation.