Tackling the normalization of corruption in Mali: the weight of “small gifts”

“Bonya” (respect), “woro songo” (the price of cola), or “buru songo” (the price of bread) — these are just a few of the local terms used in Mali to describe the informal payments and “small gifts” that fuel systemic corruption. It is a pervasive issue that triggers concern yet remains widely tolerated by the public.

Why has this behavior become so deeply embedded in Malian society? How can a phenomenon be challenged when it is seemingly embraced by the majority?

Transparency International defines corruption as the abuse of entrusted power for personal gain. When viewed through this lens, acts of corruption are a daily reality across Mali.

This systemic issue is visible in public services and interactions with government offices, often manifesting as bribes, illicit favors, or various forms of undue influence.

The story of Myriam (a pseudonym), a commercial director at a Bamako-based advertising agency, illustrates the problem perfectly. “Every time I secure a contract, officials from the hiring organization demand a percentage for themselves. It is always a ‘take it or leave it’ situation,” she explains with frustration. Myriam admits she is unsure if she can continue operating, as this form of extortion has become almost culturally ingrained.

Corruption also appears in more mundane settings: a bribe to speed up paperwork, a “gift” to pass an academic exam, or leveraging personal connections instead of merit. These routines have led to corruption being viewed as “normal” in many sectors.

Entrepreneur Omar Keita shared his experience of waiting all day in a queue, only to realize he had to pay 10,000 F.CFA to a fuel pump attendant who refused to serve him without a “gratification.”.

Recently, Mali faced severe fuel shortages due to “terrorist” strikes on tankers traveling from Sénégal and Côte d’Ivoire.

Omar Keita expressed feeling “deeply wounded” by his own participation in the act. However, such practices have become so common that they create a self-perpetuating cycle. As corruption becomes a habit, it is no longer seen as a moral failing. This cultural shift is a primary reason for its acceptance within the community.

Sibiri Diarra, a retired international civil servant, points out that in the United Nations system, “gifts were strictly regulated” and could not exceed a specific value without being flagged as corruption. While such rules exist in international bodies and some nations, scandals still occur.

In countries like Mali, where such regulations are not well-known by the public, the door is left wide open for exploitation. Anti-corruption advocates in the Malian network argue that the absence of real legal consequences only strengthens these practices.

Mohamed Abdellahi Elkhalil, a sociologist specializing in Sahelian social and security issues, notes that “corruption has permeated every level of Malian society.” Speaking with Ouestaf News, he described a “normalization” of the practice that threatens the very pillars of the country’s democracy and economy.

He argues that this trend is “sociological” rather than “cultural,” driven by a desire to live beyond one’s financial means, which encourages the spread of corrupt behavior.

Oumar Korkosse, a member of the Network of Traditional Communicators for Development in Mali (Recotrade), suggests that poverty and unemployment act as catalysts. He told Ouestaf News that “when wages are low or paid sporadically, small acts of corruption become a necessary secondary income for survival.” This forces even those with high integrity to succumb.

Addressing this reality requires more than just legal or political changes; it is a “deeply moral” challenge, according to the Malian Association for the Fight against Corruption and Financial Delinquency (AMLCDF). During a workshop in Bamako on April 15, 2025, the group emphasized the need to build a “civic conscience rooted in ethics, responsibility, and respect for the public good.”

The network believes that civil society initiatives, civic education, and religious leadership are vital in sparking this change in mindset.

An endemic crisis in Mali

A March 2024 survey by Afrobarometer highlights public perception of the issue. Citizens identified judges, magistrates, business leaders, civil servants, tax officials, and security forces (police and gendarmes) as the most involved in corruption. Furthermore, many citizens admitted to paying bribes to access basic public services.

Afrobarometer is an independent, non-partisan research network that tracks public opinion on economic, political, and social issues across Africa.

On the streets, corruption is a constant presence, much to the anger of Ousmane Diarra, a moto-taxi driver. He reports being stopped by police five or six times a day for the same reasons. Whether his papers are in order or not, he feels forced to pay 1,000 or 2,000 FCFA at every checkpoint. “It is a huge burden,” says Diarra, who spends a significant portion of his day pleading with officers.

The Afrobarometer study, which tracks the evolution of corruption over the last decade, reveals that public administrations are where these practices are most frequent. Whether in public hospitals, schools, or police stations, the data shows that citizens often rely on bribery to obtain services.

Due to these ongoing issues, Mali is internationally recognized as having very high levels of corruption.

In the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) by Transparency International, Mali scored 27 out of 100, ranking 135th out of 180 nations. The 2025 report showed little change, with Mali at 136th place and a score of 28/100. This lack of progress highlights the persistence of the problem.

The CPI scores place Mali among countries where “the public sector is viewed as highly corrupt by analysts, business people, and international experts,” according to a governance specialist from civil society.

In 2023, the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators gave Mali a corruption control score of -0.86. This is significantly lower than the global average of -0.04, reflecting a weak institutional capacity to fight and regulate corrupt activities.

“When a large segment of the population loses faith in the integrity of institutions, corruption turns into a survival strategy. If everyone else is doing it, people ask, ‘why not me?'” explains Me. Soumaré Boubacar, a lawyer at the Bamako Bar.