The debate over political funds in Sénégal has intensified in recent weeks, dominating discussions across television studios, social media platforms, and public forums. Political leaders, former ministers, and lawmakers are locked in heated exchanges over a practice that has resurfaced with explosive force. At the heart of the controversy: who has accessed discretionary funds allocated to the Prime Minister’s office before Ousmane Sonko, and how were these funds utilized?
The timing couldn’t be more critical. Since August 10, the National Assembly has convened in an extraordinary session under Sonko’s leadership. Among the legislative priorities are bills to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor laws, and the establishment of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.
The spark that lit the fire
The debate erupted after former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye, during an appearance on SenTV, made a bold claim. He insisted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Prime Minister in Sénégal’s history to receive dedicated political funds. « In reality, he was the first head of government to have access to these funds, » Ndiaye declared. « I was never Prime Minister, but several former PMs who are still alive can attest that Boun Abdallah Dionne—may he rest in peace—never had such funds. It all started with Sonko. Amadou Ba didn’t have them because he was replaced by Sidiki Kaba, who didn’t even last long enough in the role to benefit from them. »
Ndiaye also challenged the widely cited figure of 1.7 billion CFA francs, questioning its frequency. « Some say quarterly, others annually. If it were annual, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. But I know the first 1.7 billion CFA francs were completely exhausted, » he stated. He echoed earlier revelations by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Abdourahmane Diouf, suggesting that Sonko had already depleted the initial allocation before requesting additional budgetary support. A situation Ndiaye framed as evidence that Sonko’s successor found nothing left. « In the inquiry commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency’s sake. There are things I know but can’t disclose here, » he added.
Contradictory testimonies from former prime ministers
The former minister’s remarks triggered a wave of backlash on social media, where archival videos surfaced to directly challenge his narrative. The most compelling rebuttal came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, the last Prime Minister under former President Abdoulaye Wade. In an April 2025 interview on « Faram Facce, » he stated, « Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds. Every month-end, I was given my allocation. » This detail alone, observers argue, undermines Ndiaye’s claim that Sonko was the first to benefit from such funds, as it predates his tenure by decades.
Additional contradictions emerged from statements attributed to former Prime Minister Macky Sall, who served under Wade between 2004 and 2007, and Idrissa Seck, Wade’s PM from 2002 to 2004. Social media users also recalled an incident where Wade allegedly dipped into his own presidential political funds to support his Prime Minister’s expenses.
Pastef’s response: baseless allegations
The ruling party, Pastef, fired back, dismissing Ndiaye’s claims as « baseless. » Elimane Pouye, Director-General of the Société de Gestion et d’Exploitation du Patrimoine bâti (SOGEPA SN), argued that comparing the Prime Minister’s office budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025 shows « no significant changes, » with variations explained by institutional shifts between governments. He redirected the debate toward the legitimate use of public funds in a democratic framework rather than disputes over amounts or frequency. « The question isn’t whether such funds existed before Sonko, but how his predecessors used them, » Pouye emphasized.
Pastef supporters highlighted that the party had denounced the lack of oversight over these funds since 2014 and included their reform in its 2019 electoral manifesto—long before Sonko became Prime Minister in 2024. This, they argue, proves the practice was neither novel nor unique to his administration.
A historical perspective on political funds
To move beyond the current controversy, it’s essential to examine the long-term evolution of these discretionary envelopes. Reports indicate that allocations have ballooned over successive regimes: approximately 650 million CFA francs under former President Abdou Diouf, rising to nearly 8 billion under Wade. A 2008-2012 report by the State General Inspectors (IGE) revealed that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were disbursed during that period, with 48 billion lacking any accounting justification—a figure long buried in public records.
A documented example is the National Local Development Program (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA francs fund managed by the Prime Minister’s office. This program became central to an investigation into Idrissa Seck after his 2004 departure from Wade’s government, focusing on alleged illicit enrichment linked to his management of the program and ownership of two properties in Saly and Atlanta. This episode underscores how longstanding the debate over the control of Prime Ministerial discretionary resources has been.
Calls for legal regulation
The institutional dimension of the debate has prompted lawmakers to push for transparency. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a bill in September 2025 to create a « Commission for Verification of Political Fund Credits » to Pastef’s parliamentary leader and Sonko himself—then party president. Sonko reportedly asked him to delay the initiative, preferring the government to lead the reform. « President Sonko asked me to wait while he discussed the matter with the relevant parties, » Sagna wrote on Facebook. He later amended his proposal to include stricter oversight, though he lamented that the President seemed intent on maintaining the status quo.
Deputy Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency concerns, went further, calling political funds « theft » and noting that no parliamentary vote had ever authorized them. « The Prime Minister came here to talk about political funds on May 22, but this isn’t his place to address it, » he declared in the National Assembly. He drew a distinction between these contested envelopes and officially allocated intelligence funds under the Presidency, which he argued were separate.
Not all voices align. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the parliamentary majority of « opportunism, » pointing out that many current members held high-ranking positions in recent years without advocating for oversight of special funds. While supporting transparency, he urged a broader parliamentary inquiry encompassing the management of the National Water Company (ONAS), oil revenue tracking, funds allocated to the Matam region, and compensation for victims of political crises.
Official stance: regulation over elimination
When questioned in May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye defended the retention of these funds, citing their role in intelligence gathering and social solidarity. He argued that their outright abolition would create a void in addressing urgent social needs. Ousmane Sonko, for his part, ruled out elimination but advocated for stricter regulation, referencing the 1.77 billion CFA francs allocated to the Prime Minister’s office during his address to the National Assembly on May 22, 2026.
This backdrop sets the stage for the extraordinary session convened on August 10, 2026. The agenda includes urgent consideration of a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside a constitutional amendment on the President’s asset declaration. The debate remains far from settled, highlighting the tension between an entrenched institutional practice—documented across regimes from Abdou Diouf to the present—and the demands for transparency and accountability championed by the current administration since 2024.
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