Inside the machinery of power: what four years of Traoré have revealed
When Captain Ibrahim Traoré seized power in Burkina Faso on 30 September 2022, toppling Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, he promised a radical break with the past. Four years on, the young junta leader points to a sweeping national transformation: reclaimed territory, a stronger army, asserted sovereignty and a decisive rupture with several Western partners. Yet beneath that official narrative lies a far more complicated story — one shaped by persistent insecurity, mass displacement and a steadily shrinking civic space. Understanding the dynamics behind these four years requires looking beyond the headlines at the root causes and the trade-offs that have defined Traoré’s tenure.
The war against armed groups: priority and paradox
From the moment he took office, Traoré made the fight against jihadist groups his defining mission. His government poured resources into the armed forces and expanded the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP), civilian auxiliaries tasked with supporting the military.
Officials insist that several areas once controlled or threatened by armed groups have been recaptured. Traoré also highlights growing military capabilities and popular mobilisation as cornerstones of his security strategy.
But four years into his rule, violence has not disappeared. Armed groups continue to mount attacks on security forces and civilians alike. The ACLED monitoring group notes that jihadist factions retain significant operational capacity across Burkina Faso, with attacks on civilians remaining a central feature of the conflict.
The result is a striking contradiction: the state claims to have tightened its grip on territory, yet insecurity remains a daily reality in many regions.
Over two million displaced: the human ledger of the conflict
One of the heaviest indicators of the crisis is displacement. According to UNHCR data, more than two million people were internally displaced within Burkina Faso by the end of 2025, in addition to refugees and asylum-seekers. The agency’s October–December 2025 tally recorded precisely over 2.06 million internally displaced persons.
Displacement is not solely the result of jihadist attacks. Human Rights Watch has also documented violence by government forces and VDP fighters against civilians accused of supporting armed groups. The organisation says it recorded attacks that killed at least 1,800 civilians between 2023 and 2025, while stressing that abuses are committed by multiple parties to the conflict.
The plight of the displaced encapsulates a core dilemma of the security record: retaking territory does not automatically mean guaranteeing lasting safety for the people who live there.
Press freedom under strain
Another major rupture of the Traoré years concerns media freedom. The authorities justify certain measures by citing the war context and the need to protect the morale of troops and civilians. Press freedom organisations, however, describe a dramatic narrowing of the media landscape.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says several journalists have been arrested, abducted or conscripted into the armed forces. In 2025, the organisation documented multiple cases of forced enlistment and eight journalists questioned by security services in October alone.
The case of Atiana Serge Oulon, publication director of the newspaper L’Événement, has become emblematic. Abducted in June 2024, he was presented by authorities as having been requisitioned for military service. A 2026 investigation by RSF, however, claims he was secretly held in Ouagadougou rather than sent to the front as the official version suggested.
Forced enlistment: a new tool of repression?
The issue of forced conscription extends beyond journalists. Human Rights Watch reports that dozens of government critics have been requisitioned and sent to combat zones. The organisation believes the practice has affected journalists, civil society activists, opponents and magistrates.
The phenomenon is particularly sensitive because it blurs the line between national mobilisation and political punishment. In wartime, the state has mechanisms for national defence mobilisation. But human rights groups stress that such procedures must respect legal safeguards and allow those affected to challenge their assignment.
A power that claims sovereignty
For his part, Traoré champions a vision rooted in sovereignty and a break from past dependencies. Burkina Faso has distanced itself from France, deepened ties with Russia and moved closer to Mali and Niger within the Alliance of Sahel States. The government also promotes policies for local processing of resources, particularly in the mining sector.
Yet this assertion of sovereignty has come with a narrowing of political and civic space. Journalists, activists, opponents and human rights defenders have been arrested, detained or forced into exile, according to several organisations.
Four years in, an unresolved balance sheet
Four years after the September 2022 coup, Traoré’s record defies a single interpretation. His government can point to the militarisation of the fight against armed groups, the mobilisation of the VDP, the pursuit of greater strategic autonomy and some economic advances.
But displacement figures, continuing attacks and allegations of abuses against civilians show that the security crisis remains deep. At the same time, the arrests of journalists, disappearances and forced enlistments documented by international organisations raise the question of the price paid in the name of war.
In Burkina Faso, after four years of military rule, the challenge is twofold: reclaiming territory, but also ensuring that reconquest does not come at the expense of rights and the protection of the population.
